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Unofficial Translation
Selected Comments at the Closing of the
Extra-Ordinary General Assembly of the Nationwide Representatives of the
Cambodian Veterans Association and the Celebration of the Third Anniversary of
the Cambodian Veterans Day
21 June 2010
I have the prepared text here but because my
eyes have a problem I suggest that I will go adlib and the text should be
included into the proceedings of the General Assembly. Today I have a great
pleasure to join with our senior officials in closing the General Assembly of
the Nationwide Representatives (of the Cambodian Veterans Association - CVA) and
I would like to convey my appreciation to leaders and member participants of the
General Association for their hard works in the last two days that HE Madame Men
Sam An, Permanent Deputy Prime Minister, has just reported that two important
works have been dealt with – 1) reform of the CVA statute and 2) electing
additional members of the central committee and the permanent committee. It is
equally important that the General Assembly has reviewed the work done in the
last three years 2008-2010, while setting new tasks and targets for the next
period.
I would like to take this opportune moment
to express my greeting and appreciation for efforts by concerned persons and
bodies to achieve so much progress in the last three years. Thanks to a
well-prepared mechanism at the national and sub-national levels, CVA has made
notably speedy progress. The organization of CVA has been the result of
congresses from sub-national to national levels and today we are in what we call
the nationwide representatives Extraordinary Congress, by which CVA elected new
members to its relevant committees. Despite the fact that CVA is indeed a
non-governmental organization it also enjoys a partnering status with the Royal
Government, whereas officials with senior positions in the Government have also
taken up the positions in this cooperation too.
I thank all concerned, organizers and
members, in the whole Congress for their supports for my position as President
of the Cambodian Veterans Association and now I know that when I retired I may
have to take up a job – President of the Cambodian Veterans Association with
other jobs like writing, etc. and I am sure my books will sell well because they
will carry many never-before revealed stories. I wish to express my sincere
thanks and appreciation for the confidence expressed in my leadership. I wish to
have your attention on one fact only that success or failure would not depend
entirely on person in the presidency alone but our common efforts, ranging from
members to leaders.
Let me welcome the newly elected members and
leaders of the Cambodian Veterans Association and I hope they will make efforts
and contributions for solving problems and challenges of the Association. I wish
to take this opportunity to give my high evaluation to all efforts involved,
including also those of veterans themselves in the past three years, especially
impact of world financial crisis and economic downturn in the last years. They
have been making personal efforts resolving own difficulties. According to the
report by HE Ith Sam Heng, Minister for Social Affairs, Veterans and Youth
Rehabilitation, we have in all over 90,000 veterans of all uniforms who have
been on the Royal Government’s rations/pensions list with some 260,000
dependants, all of which requires a sum of over 6.4 billion Riles a month. In
addition to that they also benefit from a twenty per cent pay rise annually is
applied to incumbent officials.
However, we still have challenges to face
and cope with and I have some recommendations to make so that further efforts
could be made. This is not solely for the Ministry of Social Affairs, Veterans
and Youth Rehabilitation, but all relevant institutions have to take actions in
crosschecking issues of selling-buying and/or mortgaging rations and/or pensions
(provided) by (the Royal Government’s) policy for the veterans. I would like to
take this opportunity to appeal to all who have purchased identities (regime
logbooks) from disabled veterans to return them out of charity, either for free
or for a reasonable price. I have learned of this situation from a veteran and
the Ministry of Social Affairs, Veterans and Youth Rehabilitation have confirmed
this to me too.
During a short break in Sihanoukville last
year, I happened to meet with Chan Aun, a disable veteran, and in this case, the
real one is alive but the fake one is dead. The story is when his wife fell ill
he was forced to sell out his regime logbook for a million Riel in 1997-98 to a
person, who could use the book for just two years before he died. In light of
this Chan Aun has been taken to have died, while the regime in his logbook
remains for his two children. Having learned of this situation, I have bought
the logbook back for him and ordered for Chan Aun to be reinstated in the list
of veterans and entitled to the regime again and to a piece of land and house at
the Taken-Koh Sla Handicap Soldiers Development Zone.
With this in mind I ask for further
crosschecks to be made and understandings from our people in better off position
who have bought the regime logbook to kindly return them out of charity or at a
reasonably recovering price to their rightful and entitled holders. I think I
could make a contribution for the efforts to purchase them back. However, I warn
against any actions by our disabled veterans to sell their logbooks in the
knowledge that they would be purchased and then given back to them. That would
not be allowed. It is an estimate of about two or three percents of the case in
point and some 1.5% of the people would have the ability to return the books for
free, whereas another .5% are seeking a return favor. In my capacity as the
President of CVA, a token price could be set to buy them back and return them to
their true holders, who could make their lives better together with land to be
provided as social concession to them.
The Ministry of Rural Development under the
leadership of HE Minister Chea Sophara is making efforts in carrying out
integration and development to north and to north-west of the country – Preah
Vihear and the border areas, Banteal Meanjei, Mealay, Pailin, where houses and
roads are built. Before long, those areas, former battlefields, will be sources
of new economic growth. This is our vision – to transform battlefields into
development sites. Aside from the national road to Pailin, we will soon have
another road to from Thmor Kol (of Battambang province) to Komrieng, Phnom
Proeuk, etc. and there will be another road from Banteay Meanjei to Pailin also.
We will soon have a better infrastructural setup and I say it would be
impossible for Cambodia to integrate itself with neighboring countries when it
is not well integrated internally.
It would not suffice to fulfill only two
elements – political and administrative - in the process of integration. The
policy of speeding up development of infrastructure in the post war era to serve
national unity must be a priority and fulfilled to the full. The areas are no
longer war but development zones. In so far we have built homes for families of
soldiers to the north of the country and the project has in fact been expanded
from the province of Preah Vihear to Uddar Meanjei and on. With our better
resources, we will need to pick up more speed to fulfill this task. I would
ascertain that giving land as social concession to soldiers and their families
should go ahead according to and within the work plan of 2010-2013. All
provinces and municipalities must systematically oversee the works, while making
efforts to resolve land issues with relevant institutions such as the Ministries
of Rural Development, of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, of Land
Management, Urbanization and Construction, to be referral with the Ministries of
National Defense, of Interior, and of Social Affairs, Veterans and Youth
Rehabilitation.
Who among them need to be given out land? It
should not be understood and interpreted that all need to be given land. I have
instructed provincial authorities to set targets and land for giving them out to
veterans and disabled veterans. Take for instance it would be irrelevant to give
a plot of land up in the hill because their disabilities would not allow them to
be able to work on it. They should be provided with land that is suitable for
cultivation and accessibility to road, healthcare service and schooling for
children. Anywhere we build villages for soldiers we also build them schools and
health clinics too.
At the same time I would like to make an
appeal to authorities in districts and municipalities to verify, in their areas
of judicial administration, the number of veterans with a more specified and
detailed indicators as to what percentage of the figure verified is defined to
be poor so that a target of assistance could be proposed. Because of the fact
that we have 24 provinces/municipalities, if two families could be verified and
helped per annum, we could be addressing difficulties for 48 families too. In
the same manner, because we have up to some 190 and 200 districts, with two
families each, we could make a calculative improvement of their living
conditions. As far as those in need are concerned here, let me clarify, no
discrimination against anyone for his/her political past or affiliation will be
allowed.
Assistance will be provided equally across
the board. We have to ask question as to why we have so much disabled veterans.
Why do we have so many soldiers? Trace it backward, if it were not because of
the March-18 coup against then Head of State Samdech Preah Norodom Sihanouk by
the Lon Nol, Sirik Matak, Cheng Heng and In Tam clique, the war could not have
happened. Indeed the war broke out in Vietnam, whereas Cambodia did indeed
suffer the impacts from the US bombardments along our border areas. The country
could have been still a small peaceful island. If the country did not suffer
that ill-fate and the Head of State Samdech Preah Norodom Sihanouk, the Heroic
King-Father, was in control, for the period of forty years, starting March 18
and the present moment, Cambodia, to my understanding, would not have been in
this state.
It is important to look straight into the
problem and its origin. Who was the cause of so many atrocities and killings?
When one refers to Cambodian issue, I would recommend they look at the whole
picture as segmenting it would be incomprehensive. Some people are afraid to
talk about January 79 when they all were walking barefoot. One has to have
historical perception in making evaluation of situation. The three elements of
historical, dialectical and logic concepts could not be separated. They are
three in one. To analyze it further, if we leave the country as a peaceful
island that is making daily progress, though some people could have been
unsatisfactory, all of us could have gone to school.
The March-18 coup that overthrew then lawful
head of state and brought about disastrous war is a true fact in the Cambodian
history. Some people (who took powers before) had been so irresponsible that we
have had to pay back their debts they borrowed for bombs to drop on Cambodians.
To whom do we bring this responsibility upon? Some dare not mention this. Before
Cambodia is reaching this state of being, how many factional controls had it
been under? Starting in 1970, Cambodia was under two controls – the National
Liberation Front on one side and the Lon Nol regime on the other. Between 1975
and 1979, though Pol Pot ruled the country with genocide, they could not afford
to have one nation under their rule, because otherwise there would not be any
resistance forces. Between 1979 and 1993, Cambodia was under four different
rules – and between 1993 and 1998, Cambodia again came to the state of two
different rules.
Therefore, we have here veterans of so many
factions and uniforms, take for instance after 1979, we have had four different
kinds of veterans – those from former State of Cambodia, Democratic Kampuchea,
Khmer People’s Liberation Front, and FUNCINPEC. Therefore, when all of you go
solving the problem in your duty, no matter from which side they are, you have
to think of them as someone that are sharing same flesh and blood. The win-win
policy has brought about peace and we all are united forces and not being marked
to be different by color (or political inclination) anymore. There is only one
Khmer nation. We are governed by one unified rule, King, Constitution, Royal
Government and armed forces, though we have, in a democratic electoral process,
more political parties.
Cambodia then faced so many challenges.
Integration from all political lines brought me a comparison to a pot that we
used to cook rice for one person, and we then had to serve four with the same
amount of rice. Except the State of Cambodia, other political forces did not
have regular flow of income. They all had to get paid in Phnom Penh on the basis
of the State of Cambodia’s infrastructural base. The UN envoy then came to see
me at my residence at Vimean Ekareaj (the Independence Monumnet) and proposed me
to slash some 30% of Government officials. I told him I agreed in principle but
we could not afford to allow cut into the number of teachers and physicians, but
their number need to go up instead. And the way to trim the figure down is by
not recruiting new ones in lieu of retirees.
We have done the same in effort to bring
down the number of soldiers. We have demobilized some 17,000 soldiers already
but more money is needed to do more. I used to say that in time of war asking
someone for money for war purpose is easier than seeking someone’s help in time
of peace in order to demobilize soldiers. I have seen what HE Serei Kosal had
said in an interview on what happened on July 5-6, 1997 but the interview would
not be aired as I have instructed. As a live witness, HE Serei Kosal clarified
about how the Khmer Rouge forces had been mobilized to station in Samdech Pan
building and Funcinpec headquarters. The matter is over now though. If there is
a need for interview with HE Serei Kosal, he may do so for another one or two
hours in detail on what was the plan. He is a live witness, while some (the
culprits) accused me of being the coup maker.
They fought us and upon our retaliation,
they shouted out loud we conducted a coup. It seems the brief fight brought
about a lasting stability, though. I have gone through 105 fights in battlefield
before being promoted to the rank of commander. This is not a big figure tough
because some of my soldiers have engaged in more battles/fights than I have. In
the five-year war between 1970 and 1975, in average, soldiers of my ranks went
to some twenty fights per year, whereas soldiers under command went for fight at
the rate of one week per month, which made their fight records more than mine. I
sent a message through a diplomat in Phnom Penh that before this generation of
commanders retires, any military attempts should not be put to a test. They did
not take it and tested our resolves. They failed but their ambition forced them
to make an attempt on my life again in Siemreap province. They should not think
their secret is not known.
Well, this has come into my comments because
I have to elaborate as to why Cambodia has so many veterans and some updates on
our plan to reduce soldiers, but in the face of foreign aggression now, I would
not give it a go yet. I just wanted to clarify to you all that we used to ask
them for further demobilization of soldiers but they denied giving us money for
that so we have to keep them. We do not have to station them at the border with
Vietnam or Laos, so we could make full use of our forces. Again, I have
clarified already that I am not prepared for war with anyone or country and I
seek solution by peaceful means. I do not want a war to happen.
Because of modern telecommunication means,
we now could see live or almost real time broadcast of what happened in
countries at war like Iraq and Afghanistan. It has been so grisly and shocking.
Let’s imagine how shocking it was to see people carrying children into trenches
and at our young age we had to help people put out fire from bombardments on
their homes. We know full well the taste and frightfulness of war. It is in this
sense that I would reiterate that whatever you do or say, war-making must not be
an option because it has been hard to get this far. We all are now sitting
together now. Again, in this application, to perform duty in relation to
veterans and disabled soldiers, no political pasts should be a barrier, as they
were not the ones to have brought about war and differences. We all are war
victims but we all should take the pride of being the ones that put it to an end
and make it a peaceful nation again.
There has been a contribution from the
United Nations but upon its departure, Cambodia is left with a state of having
two control areas and Governments. Now we have come together and united where
the challenge of making a better living is the most important factor. It is my
wish that veterans without land will have got land for cultivation and as
legacies for generations of their children. It is in this intention that I have
decided to move disabled veterans from Kien Svay (where there is no land for
giving out to them) to Taken Koh Sla. But we also have other veterans for whom
we build them villages along the border, which I have see as a policy for
achieving social labor redistribution in combination between national
socio-economic development and defense purpose.
I would like to give my congratulations to
those 37 veterans who have been presented with gold medal of honor along with a
house that costs between three and five thousand dollars for each of them. For
those 24 veterans to receive silver medals along with a package tour that costs
around 1000 US dollars, I would suggest that the Congress offers them in cash
and let them decide what to do with the money.
Today is also the third anniversary of the
Cambodian Veterans Day. Thirty three years ago at this hour I was leaving a
kitchen section and left my rifle there. I have told that on the night of June
20, I left at around two am, June 21, 1977 to be exact, and crossed into Vietnam
at the border point between Tonle Cham and Prek Jiv. I had to stop for poor
visibility from fog and lack of information as to where could be the Vietnamese
military outposts. I asked my colleagues to take a rest at a termite mount. We
started our journey again at night following a map that was read by flash of
lightning.
Upon my return in 1977, I happened to
collect a circulation that was ordering for my arrest under the signature of Mr.
Soth, who happened to be regional secretary and head of the military. That made
me think leaving for Vietnam was the correct decision to make. I had attempted
to wage a revolt against the Khmer Rouge but later abandoned it because I felt
it would be a dead-end to rise against the local Khmer Rouge leader at that
time. I was summoned to a meeting and the commander then named Den was there. I
was told to report the number of soldiers I had. I had at that time 1,776
soldiers after some had been transferred to other military units. I was forced
to write a letter to summon four others - Gen. Nhek Huon was one of them. There
was a sentence I wrote in the letter that they did not seem to have taken notice
of and it was “please come see me before reporting yourselves.” I could
understand they had intention to catch us five altogether.
I then ordered my soldiers to get rice out
and prepare for cooking. I had a plan in mind that if ever there needed for a
fight, let it be so. If it was possible to avoid confrontation, and if one group
(of soldiers) were to disagree with me, I would have had another group to join
me. I took a rest and wrote a letter to my wife and I could still remember two
lines that go “once you are reading my letter, I am at a very far place that
I also do not know where I am or could be,” and “I must say goodbye for
when I were to return is not known.” A soldier of Stieng ethnic group
delivered the letter to my wife at hand. He is still alive. He does not ask to
be made important person at all. I helped build him a house. Let’s think if the
soldier was not faithful and brought the news to the Khmer Rouge organization,
my wife could have been killed before anyone knew it. It could have been
possible that he burned the letter and took away the traditional medicine that I
sent for my wife. He did not do either of the above and delivered them to my
wife who was then five-month pregnant.
After the liberation, I returned from
Vietnam and reunited with my wife and child. My son called me uncle for about
two months. This is my life and it is not too much that you have offered me the
position of President of CVA because I was a real soldier. In Vietnam, we were
questioned at the village of Hoa Lu Lieu, and then at Lok Ninh, and then Song Be
before they decided to believe us. Here in front of us is General Ba Kung, who
has been soldier who fought against the French, the Americans and Polpotists on
the Cambodian soil. Here also are HE Meas Huon, Meas Kroj and Ngo Minh who are
my three assistants. There were two younger soldiers at that time – Sao Sokha,
who was then 16, and Tjoeun Sovantha, 17, and who were responsible in providing
me with protection. Mr. Keo Samuon was my secretary.
Someone has claimed on radio to be my
commander. Maybe HE General Nhek Huon may have listened to it. He said that I,
senior brother Heng Samrin and senior brother Chea Sim were his soldiers. No one
was higher in command than me and here we have all the witnesses – both
Vietnamese and Cambodian. How could the person claim himself to be father of
December 2 and January 7? I was detained for twenty two days with no handcuff
on.
Also I would like to take today’s forum to
send a message to Mr. Surya P. Subedi, the UN special Rapporteur on human rights
in Cambodia, relating to my notification of ill health (that I could not meet
him). He said in a press conference that he was “disappointed” (that I did not
see him) which to me is meaning differently to “being sorry,” which I think the
term he used conveys disrespect for the host party, and no less, the disrespect
for a leader of an independent and sovereign nation. This is also a disrespect
shown to the people of Cambodia who have voted for the Cambodian People’s Party
to have a majority in the parliament, which in return elected Hun Sen as the
Prime Minister. I hope he will correct the term he used. He could have used
other terms like “sorry for being unable to meet with the Prime Minister,” or
“hope to see him next time,” and even more polite “hope his health is getting
better soon”.
I would base on this reason to consider how
often I should meet with this envoy. As usual, I met the envoy three times a
year. In fact whenever he comes I have to meet him. But now it seems there has
not been a respect. So my message is that (1) I am sorry that you have used the
term “disappointed” and a more polite term should be used in respect for person
in sickness, (2) please do not try to push the door open when the door is
already open or to tell me it is raining when in fact I am in the rain. I mean
whatever you think of thinking, I am thinking on it a hundred or a thousand
times more than you do. In this world no one loves a nation than its own
nationals. No one loves Khmer than Khmer, (3) you need to look at the whole
forest in combination with every single tree.
I also would like to send a message to those
inside and outside the country about what could be called a “no-shadow
organization.” I thank people who hold my picture to show support for the policy
on land issue and brought me information in relation to that. But how could the
no-shadow organization organized action that coincided with the bringing in
representatives from all 24 provinces? Is it the will of the people or is there
a push by any no-shadow organization. I also must assure Mr. Subedi that this is
not the reason why I could not see him as in fact I learned about this from CTN
TV after I made my decision only. So I would stress again that we are good
partners and I could not accept the term you used. I did not avoid meeting with
you, but it was because of my poor health./.
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